



#Nuorisorikollisuus ja #jengiytymisilmiö
“Jengiytymisen ja rikollisuuden ehkäisyssä on erityisen tärkeää välttää kollektiivisen rangaistuksen käytäntöjä. Jos nuori joutuu kantamaan vastuun tai stigmaa ryhmänsä, perheensä tai taustansa vuoksi, se syventää syrjäytymistä ja voi pahentaa ongelmia.”

“Jengiytymisen ja rikollisuuden ehkäisyssä on erityisen tärkeää välttää kollektiivisen rangaistuksen käytäntöjä. Jos nuori joutuu kantamaan vastuun tai stigmaa ryhmänsä, perheensä tai taustansa vuoksi, se syventää syrjäytymistä ja voi pahentaa ongelmia.“

From 1 August 2023 to 29 January 2024 a total of 1,271 persons sought asylum at the Finnish-Russian border. Well over 90% of the refugees are from Muslim countries like Syria (491), Somalia (360), Yemen (120), and Iraq (57). The total amount does not include some 200 Russians in legal limbo awaiting an interview by the Finnish Migration Service (Migri).
On 24 November, all border checkpoints were closed for the first time. Citing classified information, Interior Minister Mari Rantanen claims that people seeking asylum are “a threat to national security.” This is an odd statement because over 6 million Ukrainians who have fled to Europe since the outbreak of the war. None of them are considered “a threat to national security.”
Migrant Tales had the opportunity to interview some of these asylum seekers. While we cannot independently confirm it, pushbacks at the border appear to begun in December, according to the asylum seekers. Some Finnish border guards even used physical force on some and threatened at the border to “kick” some of them back to Russia.

Source: The Contrapuntual
One asylum seeker who entered Finland in November said he did not consider himself to be a threat to national security as the Finnish government claims. “If you think of it, Russia is our enemy because it has bombed cities and killed our people in places like Aleppo,” said Amir who spoke on condition of anonymity because he was applying for asylum. “For us, Russia was only a transit point to enter Finland.”
All of those interviewed by me had a long a difficult road to Finland. Some had gone first to Belarus and tried to cross the border without luck to Poland, Lithuania, and Latvia.
“It was very hard to be in the forest in the autumn cold in Belarus,” continued Amir. “The border guards in Latvia were the worst of the worst. They even used electric prods to turn us back.”
Thanks to social media, some found out that there was an opportunity to cross the border to Finland. Their greatest fear was that they’d be pushed back at the Finnish border to Russia.
“For a Syrian, this would mean almost certain death,” said another asylum seeker called Khaled, who also spoke on condition of anonymity. “It would mean deportation back to Syria, where you would face certain imprisonment and death.”
Amir said he had stayed in Russia at a hotel in Vyborg and was told to leave at 7 am to the border. At noon, he was taken to another checkpoint about 8 km from the Finnish border, where he was interviewed, registered, fingerprinted and passport stamped.
“The guards asked us if there was anyone smuggling people and who was going to seek asylum but everyone remained silent,” said Khalid. “We all bought bikes. Mine cost 300 euros.”
The money for the bike included a ride to the border. “When we got out of the car, the Russian guards told us to ride ahead and not look back. We did what they said.”
Khalid does not remember the name of the border crossing, possibly Vaalimaa, but he does remember the Finnish border guard who first told him to go back to Russia. “He said that he’d kick me back to Russia,” he continued. “I insisted and he finally accepted my plea for asylum.”
Continue reading “Crossing the Finnish-Russian border during difficult times – had pushbacks started in December 2023?”
Photo: Enrique Tessieri
The late evening streets of Buenos Aires
bleed silently
and I should be asleep and hide until day
but I can’t.
In my room, the keys of my typewriter
are razors to the touch
makng a short trip to hell and back.
The night is alost at a standstill, now
searchlights crisscross and comb the state of siege
a few high-pitched sirens singing
in the distance here and there
and I should be asleep.
Strong bangs on my door
crash open the door
and I’m cornered with four Colt 45s pointed
at my head.
“What’s the big idea?” I interject
“It’s the fight against terorism!”
“Proceed,” I state with false nationalism
evaporating into the night
without a word in my defence
except for a few high-pitched sirens
screaming here and there.
Buenos Aires, Argentina, 1977
It is also obvious the non-action of the government on what their plan for the Finnish-Riussian border needs to be addressed.
Just keepiing the Saimaa Canal closed costs the Finnish economy millions, now even billions if road transport is added to it. Not to mention the disrupted family lives from which the largest immigrant community in Finland, its Russian speakers, are suffering due to the government’s, in security terms dubious, and indefinate border closure.
The government refers to secret intelligence that there is a security threat at the border. This has gone on for over a year now and the reasons remain secret. One can only conclude that the continued secrecy is really because there is no real evidence and the embarrassment potential-if that is revealed- keeps mounting. Some day the government will have a lot of explaining to do.
SDP leader Antti Lindtman’s incapacity as a leader is stunning, matched only by his cowardly whipping of his MPs to vote for the ridiculous Pushback Law- ridiculous because it throws into question the whole idea that Finland is a champion of human rights or even the basic tenants of its own constitution. All because of the same undefined fantasy of a border threat.
Lindtman’s past behaviour explains why Kiljunen had to step down because the SDP leader has made it clear his own party would not back him if the SDP leader had anything to say about it.
In fact its unclear if the SDP is nowadays willing to do anything significant to provide the kind of opposition politics the parliament needs and the Finnish people deserve in these troubled times.
About 800 Russians who have requested asylum in Finland have been waiting for over two years for a decision on their residence applications from the Migration Service (Migri). The overwhelming majority are young people with higher education (some holding multiple degrees) who have a long working life ahead of them. However, due to their uncertain status and lack of a Finnish ID, their chances of securing employment are nonexistent. Instead of fulfilling the government’s program to attract skilled workers and new taxpayers, Finland is shouldering the burden of providing social benefits.

In 2022, several hundred Russians arrived in Finland seeking political asylum. According to §98a of the Aliens Act, the maximum processing time for such applications is 21 months. This deadline passed for most applicants last summer. Some asylum seekers have yet to receive a decision from Migri, while others have not even been interviewed.
The most recent communication from Migri states that the decision period has been extended due to the large number of applications. While it is clear that Migri has a significant workload, how are these applications prioritized? Logically, they should be processed in the order they were received to comply with statutory deadlines.
By November 2023, Migri had been processing hundreds of Russian applications from 2022 for over a year. Many applicants had not yet been interviewed, and no decisions had been made. At this time, Juha Similä, a Migri employee, informed Yle journalists that cases of individuals who arrived on November 16, 2023, via the eastern border would be prioritized. These individuals were labeled by the Finnish state as “instruments of hybrid influence,” a designation that ultimately led to the closure of the eastern border. On what basis was this decision made? A review of public documents provided no answers to this question.
By August 2024, Migri had already processed hundreds of applications from third-country nationals who arrived via Finland’s eastern border at the end of 2023, a year later than the Russian asylum seekers. Of these, 370 applications were canceled, 50 were approved, and 120 were denied. On November 19, 2024, a new Yle article reported that 130 people had received positive decisions and an equal number had received negative ones. In other words, Migri continues to allocate limited resources to processing cases of individuals labeled national security threats—many of whom have since left Finland for other EU countries, likely never intending to stay. Meanwhile, Migri delays the consideration of Russian applicants from 2022 who have complied with all legal procedures, are learning Finnish, and are working toward integration into Finnish society.
This situation demonstrates an apparent violation of the principle of processing cases in sequence. There are grounds to suspect that delays may be linked to the Russian citizenship of the 2022 applicants. Migri has not issued any apologies or provided a direct explanation for the delays.
As a result, Migri has been accused of violating the Aliens Act. For over two years, young, educated individuals, grateful to Finland and eager to contribute, have been stuck in a limbo. They want to work, pay taxes, and live normal lives. Instead, they are forced to live in an uncertain status where they cannot even obtain a personal ID (henkilötunnus), essential for virtually all aspects of life, and they continue to rely on social welfare.
Continue reading “Aleksanterinliitto ry:* Hundreds of Russian asylum seekers left in legal limbo”I am an American Documentary filmmaker/composer who has lived and worked here in Finland over 40 years. Previously, I always admired the Finnish Health system and often described it to people in the US as an example of how a National Health Service could function. .. Unfortunately, these past years have been very alarming to me, watching the healthcare service become less and less effective and economically weakened. I have written some thoughts on what appears to be many of the main reasons for the present-day situation of health care troubles in Finland.
The Finnish National Health Service (FNHS) is facing a growing crisis largely due to an unequal relationship with private medical companies. The government invests heavily in educating healthcare professionals, while private firms benefit from this taxpayerfunded system without contributing back. Medical education in Finland is rigorous, lengthy, and expensive. Yearly budgets for medical equipment, operating facilities, the annual price of the medical teaching staff and guest specialists participating in
educational programs for the 6-8 years and longer period of studies is all very costly. Stipends and grants are provided to medical students for the years of study. …Altogether, an immense cost.
The Finnish National Health Service, (i.e., the public tax-payer), finances this entire system towards medical education and the creation of medical personnel in Finland. All public education in Finland is free, supported by the Finnish state. However, there is no other profession that demands the sums necessary for the multi-year period to complete studies that even closely demands the sums needed towards educating the medical profession.
Historically the medical graduate worked for the Public Health Service, this same public system that educates the medical professional. Today the new doctor has free hands, without any responsibility towards the public funding of their education, to decide to either work for this National Health Service that educated him, or work for the salaries offered by private medical firms. Many newly qualified doctors opt for more lucrative positions in private companies, leaving the National health serive understaffed and struggling to meet public demand. These private firms offer much higher salaries, creating a brain drain from the public system.. The public is left paying twice—first through taxes that finance medical education and again out-of-pocket for private healthcare services that employ these same publicly trained doctors.
Does this make sense to anyone?
It would be the equivalent of Microsoft paying all expenses of training their personnel for a 6–10-year period and then simply, without contract restrictions, allowing them to walk over and work for Macintosh. Private medical firms play no part in educational expenses, on the contrary they only benefit from their medical staff’s education.
This imbalance has led to a mass exodus of healthcare professionals from the Public health service, further compounding the staffing crisis. The 3 largest private firms have expanded by acquiring smaller clinics and healthcare providers, driving up the cost of healthcare services. A 20-minute appointment
with a private general practitioner will be from 90 – 120 Euros, and a top specialist can cost up to 200 – 300 Euros for 30 minutes. This is the same medical specialist who will meet patients at a public institution via a health clinic referral for basically no charge to the patient
The questions arise, – where are reciprocal responsibilities of medical graduates after having been supported by public funds for 6,8, 10 years? And, is there any responsibility of these private medical companies towards the public funded educational costs of their staff?
In Britain there has been constant discussion in parliament concerning reciprocation for studies by medical personnel not working within the NHS, whether they move abroad or work for private firms. This issue is not discussed here in Finland, as if the taxpayer is obliged to pay costs for medical education without compensation from either doctor’s working for private firms or from these medical firms themselves.
In the US, there is a program entitled The National Health Service Corp. It can pay part or all of a person’s medical education expenses and in return, the doctor is obliged to work in a specific disadvantaged area for at least a three year period or repay their educational support. The National Health Service Corp had its budget reduced significantly under President Reagan, but was greatly
expanded as part of President Obama’s Affordable Care Act.
In France there was a period where special monetary support was given for people to study in professions urgently needed, then the graduate was obliged to work for 5 years in that profession within France. Today, publicly educated nurses are obliged to work for the public health system for a period of 5 years to reimburse their education.
In many countries the graduating medical student would have hundreds of thousands of euro debt after studies. In the US, costs of medical studies can easily go into many hundreds of thousands of dollars creating gigantic loans to be repaid.
If one uses the services of the National Health System, (assuming there were the doctors and staff needed to function properly,) the cost to each individual no matter how often he visits the health clinic is 40 to 60 Euros a year. Now, not only does the system not function as designed, but also is progressively worsening with this movement of publicly educated doctors over to private medical firms. Municipalities and public health services are increasingly forced to turn to private firms to meet their staffing needs, hiring temporary or contract doctors at inflated rates. This creates a vicious cycle, draining public funds that could otherwise be used to improve public healthcare.
Recently, Dr Joona Kiili found an advertisement for a ‘temporary doctor’ to work in his same health clinic being offered 6000€ per month more than he earns. This salary, which doubled his own basic salary, didn’t even include the obligation to be on open call. With fewer doctors in full-time work in the public sector the workload increases, and is patched up by hiring ‘temporary doctors’ from private companies at extremely expensive pricing.
A district in South Karelia was charged 315,000 Euros a month for three ophthalmologists (eye surgeons) from the private sector. The district usually would pay these specialists 10 – 15,000 a month. The district received this bill from Mehilainen which justified its charge of 315,000€ a month by stating the tasks ordered by the district had been divided between 22 ophthalmologists. (source YLE 2.10.2023) . How much went to actual doctors’ salary and how much to ‘company services’ is the question here. This sounds completely outrageous.
Mikko Pietilä, Hospital Director of the Wellbeing Services County of Southwest Finland, stated doctors with public service positions are being recruited by temp agencies on social media for double or triple their present salaries to do the same jobs. He fears ‘unchecked privatisation’ in the form of a mass exodus of doctors from the public sector. “With this shortage of doctors, someone is trying to buy them up quickly and sell them back at a higher price,” Pietilä told Yle.
An added twist of absurdity to this system of ‘renting temporary doctors’ from private firms is a Latvian medical agency that has actually recruited Finnish graduates and 5th year medical students studying there, and hires them out to work to the Finnish national health system. (source YLE). .. This Latvian agency is paying their recruits salaries one third higher than in-house doctors, with free accommodation provided. One can image the charges being paid to this Latvian agency enabling them to pay these salaries and accommodations.
The Finnish National Health System temporary labor costs for the year 2023 were 600-700 million euros. (source Helsinki Sanomat 01,10,24) Hundreds of millions of Euros yearly are being spent by this present government to private medical clinics for, ‘rent of temporary medical staff’ instead in support of the National Health System itself.
This all illustrates how private firms are profiting at the expense of an underfunded public healthcare system. Mehilainen has more than doubled their size and income in the last 5 yrs. Since 2018 their overall revenue has grown from 915 million in 2018, to 1850 million in 2023. During this same period, the company has expanded into Estonia, Sweden, and Germany.
In May 2024, Director General Kirsi Leivo of the Finnish Competition and Consumer Authority stated: “The FCCA has no effective means to address this type of consolidation. There were almost 300 mergers where large operators acquired small local medical and dental clinics. Small and medium-sized enterprises operating in local markets may be taken over by large chains at will. The fact market
concentration may occur entirely outside regulatory control is the biggest drawback of Finnish competition policy. …This has led to price increases in the health care market.”
Where are regulatory controls on pricing by private medical firms? While the cost of public health clinic care is 60 Euros a year, the maximum yearly charges for all public health services, hospital stays, operations, etc., has an upper limit per calendar year of 692 Euros. Just one private clinic meeting with a specialist for 30 minutes can cost 300 Euros. All pointing towards no regulation.
Additionally, budget cuts have further strained the Public Health System. The Hospital District of Helsinki and Uusimaa (HUS), the largest hospital district in the country, faced a 44 million Euro budget reduction, leading to longer wait times for medical services, reduced access to care, and even facility closures. The administration at HUS has made it clear that many life-threatening operations will have to be put off indefinitely. This is contrary to the central concept of Nordic welfare, where: ‘the entire population has an equal possibility for medical care without any relationship to economic status.’ When more and more people cannot get into the National Health Service for their medical needs, then more people go without health care entirely due to prices they cannot afford at the private clinics. Taking care of one’s health is the number one priority. This is precisely why the Finnish state pays so much of taxpayer’s money towards this health service, to give future doctors the best possible educational facilities and teachers’ possible. This well constructed system is unraveling. How is it possible for the Public Heath Service in Finland to be short 1000 medical personnel when every year there are between 600 – 800 medical graduates? Thou Finland’s has less graduates than the EU average, ‘doctors per population’ is similar to many other European countries. When one contacts the local health clinic for medical assistance, the wait for a doctor’s appointment can be a month or months. However, a general practitioner at a private medical clinic is found within hours. While the number of doctors has increased by a third in the past two decades, the public sector has an ever-increasing shortage of personnel while the private sector expands. The present role of the private sector has become detrimental for the National Health Service.
In summer 2021, closures of health centers due to staff shortages was first seen in Finland. Six (6) health centers in North Karelia were temporarily closed when no workforce could be found during the holiday season. In the summer of 2024, staffing shortages have caused temporary closure of 120 health centers across the country. Where do people go for treatment? Also, 5 of Finland’s maternity wards have plans to close because they have fewer than 1000 births a year. Does this make sense that a maternity ward must have a minimum of 3 births a day to remain open? Where are these mothers-to-be supposed to find other maternity wards to give birth?
Continue reading “THE LONG READ – Joe Davidow: Realities of the Finnish National Health Service and the exploitive relationship of the private medical companies”
Maahanmuuttajataustaisten poliitikkojen nousu suomalaisessa politiikassa on tärkeä ja tervetullut kehitys, mutta se ei ole ongelmatonta. Heidän asemansa vähemmistöjen edustajina on monimutkainen, ja siihen liittyy useita haasteita, jotka vaikuttavat sekä heidän omaan toimintaansa että heidän edustamiinsa ryhmiin.
#Vähemmistöjen niputtaminen yhdeksi ryhmäksi– syrjivä ajattelutapa
Vähemmistöjen niputtaminen yhdeksi homogeeniseksi ryhmäksi on yleinen ja haitallinen ilmiö. Kun erilaiset maahanmuuttajaryhmät nähdään yhtenä kokonaisuutena, se sivuuttaa heidän yksilölliset kulttuuriset, poliittiset ja sosiaaliset taustansa.
Tällainen yleistys ei vain vääristä todellisuutta, vaan johtaa helposti syrjiviin käytäntöihin, joissa vähemmistöt jäävät ilman räätälöityjä ratkaisuja tarpeisiinsa.
#Edustajuus vähemmistöjen keskuudessa
Usein vähemmistöistä tuleva poliitikko asetetaan automaattisesti tietyn ryhmän edustajaksi pelkän kieli- tai kulttuuritaustansa perusteella. Tämä asettaa poliitikolle kohtuuttoman vastuun ja saattaa samalla hiljentää muita vähemmistön jäseniä, joilla voi olla eriäviä mielipiteitä. Lisäksi vähemmistöpoliitikot joutuvat tasapainoilemaan puolueidensa arvojen ja oletetun “ryhmänsä” odotusten välillä, mikä voi johtaa ristiriitoihin ja epärealistisiin odotuksiin.
#Monikielisten äänestyskäyttäytyminen
Monikielisissä ja -kulttuurisissa kaupungeissa vähemmistöjen osuus väestöstä on usein liian pieni vaikuttaakseen ratkaisevasti vaalituloksiin. Tämä tarkoittaa, että vähemmistöpoliitikon on välttämätöntä saada myös kantaväestön luottamus ja äänet. Pelkkä vähemmistön ääni ei riitä. Tämä korostaa tarvetta rakentaa siltoja ja vahvistaa vuoropuhelua eri ryhmien välillä.
#Kotoutumisen ja representaatioiden sudenkuopat
Kotoutumisprosessin epäonnistumisen taustalla on usein se, että vähemmistöpoliitikot tai yhteisöjen edustajiksi nimetyt henkilöt puhuvat kaikkien puolesta ilman laajaa taustatyötä tai yksilöllisten näkökulmien huomioimista. Joissakin tapauksissa maahanmuuttajataustaisilta poliitikoilta puuttuu riittävä ymmärrys tai tieto, mutta heitä silti pidetään asiantuntijoina vain taustansa vuoksi. Tämä voi johtaa siihen, että heidän esittämänsä näkemykset perustuvat enemmän henkilökohtaisiin kokemuksiin kuin laajempiin tutkimuksiin tai faktoihin.
Kohti #yksilökeskeistä lähestymistapaa
On tärkeää ymmärtää, että maahanmuuttajataustaiset poliitikot ja yhteisön jäsenet ovat yksilöitä omine ajatuksineen ja tarpeineen. Vähemmistöjen tarpeet eivät ole yhtenäisiä, eikä kukaan poliitikko voi edustaa kaikkia. Sen sijaan tarvitaan osallistavaa politiikkaa, jossa jokainen ääni – riippumatta taustasta – saa tilaa kuulua ja vaikuttaa.
Poliittisen keskustelun on perustuttava tarkistettaviin faktoihin eikä oletuksiin. Vähemmistöjen aseman parantaminen ei voi nojautua yksittäisten äänten satunnaisiin kommentteihin, vaan pitkäjänteiseen, laajaan ja monimuotoiseen vuoropuheluun. Näin sekä kotoutuminen että vähemmistöjen vaikutusmahdollisuudet voivat edetä oikeudenmukaisemmalle pohjalle.
Vähemmistöpolitiikka tarvitsee monipuolisia näkemyksiä, mutta ennen kaikkea on tärkeää tunnistaa jokaisen yksilön arvokkuus, tarpeet ja kyvyt ilman, että nämä sulautetaan yhdeksi homogeeniseksi ryhmäksi.
*Mahad Sheikh Musse on monikulttuurisen nuorisotyön ammattilainen, joka omaa vuosien kokemus viranomaisten ja eri yhteisöjen kanssa työskentelmisestä.
Racism is like a Cadillac, they bring out a new model every year.
Malcolm X
Few these days deny that Finland has a racism problem against Muslims, people of color and Third Worlders, the Romany and Russian-speaking minority, the third largest after Finnish and Swedish speakers. The serious student of society does not only look at the surface of news but what is behind it.
The denial of racism by some sectors of Finnish society are one salient issue we can look behind the news. If racism and prejudice are ever-present, how does the media, politicians and society play down and deny the social ill?
When speaking of Muslims in Finland, the media rarely speaks up or defends the group since stereotypes about their “primitive culture” and our exceptiionalism permit us to look the other way.

Even if the above examples of racist journalism happened over thirty years ago, it still continues today.

MTV is the biggest private television company in Finland. It’s portrail of brown migrants had the same hateful narrative: migrant youths and non-white migrants are a threat to society because they are violent. The picture on the right was used to give a heads up that MTV was going to interview the Interior Minister Mari Rantanen about the government’s tightened migration policy. Why is there a threatenig picture of a person with a knife?
Finland’s Russian-speaking community, the third largest after Finnish and Swedish speakers. They are a category of their own how they are treated by the media and politicians.
Continue reading “Finland’s different shades of denial and racism”The Finnish media, including Prime Minister Petteri Orpo, have attacked in mob fashion Kimmo Kiljunen, member of the Social Democratic Party and chairperson of the foreign affairs committee, for speaking candidly to representatives of the Alexander Union, a Finnish-Russian association, about the Finnish-Russian border as well as other matters.
Today, an editorial by Helsingin Sanomat highlighted “the unusual problems” of Kiljunen’s comments to Alexander Union. It wrote: “In the video, Kiljunen expressed some unusual opinions on Finland’s policy towards Russia. Among other things, he said that he considers the closure of the eastern border a violation of human rights and the ban on Russian real estate transactions to be racist. Kiljunen claimed that the Finnish tabloids were playing into the hands of Russian trolls with their critical articles.”
Are the above comments “unusual” and did they warrant such outrage? Or are Kiljunen’s views similar to what human rights experts and academicians pointed out about the dangers of the pushback law, which was approved by parliament in July?
Again, we must ask what did Kiljunen say wrong? Was he too candid in his views that the closing of the Finnish-Russian border is a slap in the face of human rights, and that National Coalition Party politicians like Antti Häkkänen can reinforce prejudices that Russians are a threat and that they should be barred from buying land? Did Kiljunen step on the government’s feet?
Even if the above restrictions do not prevent Finnish-Russian residents from buying land, they do send a clear message: Russians are a threat, and they should not be trusted. The war in Ukraine and the terrible invasion by Russia have made a bad situation worse by reinforcing people’s xenophobia toward Russians.
Some politicians, including President Aleksander Stubb, have even questioned the right of Russian speakers to hold dual citizenship.
Making such a suggestion, as did happen during a presidential campaign debate earlier this year, brings memories but in a different context of the Nuremberg Laws, which stripped the Jews of their rights in Nazi Germany.
The attacks and Kiljunen’s character assassination even by his party reveal a lot about Finland’s issues with xenophobia and suspicion of its Russian-speaking community, the third largest after Finnish and Swedish speakers.
Not understanding the racism in the debate is comprehending very little about the whole issue of how Finland’s Russian community is treated.
*Read the original posting on Linkedin here.