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A must-see video about who we Finns are

Posted on February 25, 2014 by Migrant Tales

If there is one matter where Finland’s ever-growing culturally diverse society must still work on, it’s instilling greater acceptance and respect for those who are different from white Finns. For me, this is central in our struggle to live in a country that is acceptant and respects others irrespective of their backgrounds. 

After moving over thirty years to this country, there’s finally a video below that reflects and promotes this important fact.

I dedicate it to all those who still believe that Finnish identity is monolithic, or, as Heikki Waris claimed in the 1960s on page two of “An introduction to Finnish history,” the following (note how he forgets to mention the 10,000-strong Romany minority):  

A fourth aspect is the high degree of homogeneity of Finnish society. Racial homogeneity particularly characterizes the Finnish people who have practically no racial minorities, the less than three thousand Lapps in the northernmost arctic communities making up the largest racial minority group. Consequently, racial prejudice and discrimination are nonexistent.

Waris is very selective when he writes about so-called racial homogeneity. He simply forgets that 1.2 million Finns emigrated and mixed with people and cultures in other lands. He denies and plays down who we’ve always been and will be.

To all those Finns who still believe that this country only belongs to them, I have some news for you. This land belongs to all of us.

We won’t wait for generations for acceptance.

Acceptance begins with us.

Landmark decision in Finland: Sikh bus driver may wear turban at work

Posted on February 25, 2014 by Migrant Tales

The long ordeal over whether Sikh bus driver Gill Sukhdarshan Singh could wear a turban to work has been decided in his favor, reports Helsingin Sanomat. A decision was reached last week between the Finnish Employers’ Federation of Road Transport (ALT) and Transport Workers’ Union AKT over the interpretation of the bus driver’s employment contract. 

According to ALT and AKT, Sukhdarshan Singh has the right to wear a turban at work if he wants.

Kuvankaappaus 2014-2-25 kello 0.44.39

Read full story here.

Sukhdashan Singh’s employer Veolia has promised to abide by ALT’s and AKT’s interpretation as well as Helsingin Bussiliikkene, Helsinki’s municipal bus company.

The right to wear a turban at work is a historical decision that Sikh bus drivers got in England in the 1969.

Migrant Tales will publish more Tuesday on this landmark decision.

Read update here.

Four refugees to move to the Finnish municipality of Kauniainen

Posted on February 24, 2014 by Migrant Tales

I couldn’t believe my eyes when I read the headline of this story that reads that a refugee family of four from Congo will move to Kaunianen, Finland’s richest municipality, located 18 kilometers west of Helsinki, according to Metro.

 Kuvankaappaus 2014-2-24 kello 21.43.13

Read full story here.

If you think that such news warrants media attention, the story got 7,000 “likes” and 144 tweets on Monday evening.

Jaana Myhrberg, who works for the municipality social services, says that Kaunianen residents will meet with municipal authorities to learn about the integration program and the plight of refugees in Finland and elsewhere.

Kaunianen, which has about 9,000 inhabitants, accepts ten quota refugees annually.

Myhrberg said that she hoped that the event will not generate anti-refugee sentiment and label the municipality’s new inhabitants.

Fadumo Dayib: To research, or not to research Somalis, is the question

Posted on February 24, 2014 by Migrant Tales

I am here today to reflect on being the other, on othering. I am not here as a PhD student from this University but as an activist, a blogger and as your research object.

Kuvankaappaus 2014-2-24 kello 10.10.30

Read full essay here.

The previous presenter raised a very important point that activism does not put bread on your table. I concur with her.

In fact, I want to expound further on that point by arguing that one cannot be paid and be an activist at the same time. By that I mean, if I was receiving funding from an entity that is unethical, could I be an activist? Would I have the freedom, the backbone to question their unethical practices knowing the repercussions? What if they claimed to work on equality but never hired minorities? If they claimed to fight racism while having a white board? Could I be involved in these institutions and claim to be an activist? Can a colonialist be an anti-colonialist while still in the colonialist establishment? My answer is no.

I came to Finland, as a fleeing refugee, with a battered suitcase and a chunk of halwa in my kiondo in 1990. While I slept soundlessly in a motel called Matkakoti in Helsinki, dreaming of cardamom tea in Xamar, the Finnish press was busy selling mass hysteria. A man saw the opportunities the newcomers brought with them and quickly sat down to write. As a result, the first descriptive text on Somalis, or rather their invasion of Finland, was penned. That text was aptly titled “Somali Shock”. I stumbled upon it years after I’d arrived, dazed from all the racist slurs but still desperate to belong. I sought answers, comprehension but never got any.

Somalis became an interesting phenomenon to study. Why would all these young, mostly good looking young men want to come to Finland? Why were they all coming through Russia? Why were they not malnourished, with flies buzzing over their runny noses? Why Finland when thousands are migrating elsewhere? These questions woke a few hibernating researchers who then devoted their time to their new pets. After all, the Somalis looked, smelled and acted differently. They mistreated their women, neglected their children, ran away from fighting in Somali, were loud and had a fetish for Finnish women. In addition, they also had a liking for extravagance, shiny stuff, perky breasts, driving in BMWs, and at the cost of the generous welfare system. This was a phenomenon worthy of a study. I never had the pleasure of meeting these researchers personally but followed their activities through the grapevine.

Fast forward to 1995, a Finnish woman married to a Somali man is in our house, asking questions about death and studying how we deal with grief. She is doing a PhD on Somalis, is dressed as a Somali, henna on her hands, gold bangles jiggling. She is more Somali than I am. You see, this is very important. A researcher must resemble the natives, must eat as they do, must be part of them and must behave like them. After all, this is an ethnographic research. But does that mean she knows what I am feeling? What it is to be me? What it is to be a Somali woman, a Muslim from Africa? No. She is a privileged white woman. The power dynamics are skewed in her favor. No amount of dressing, mannerisms, is going to change that reality.

She shoots her Finnish questions relentlessly, her tongue darting in and out of her mouth. I don’t hear her, my mind is on my mother, the only solid foundation in my life, crumpling under my feet. My mother who is slowly dying in her sterile hospital room. My mother who has always been by my side, is going on a long journey, alone. The persistent chatter from the researcher never ceases. It floats above the community din, overwhelming my dulled senses.

As death went about his business, I tried to negotiate for a few days, hours, minutes. He shook his head, stood above her, and coaxed her soul to depart. I kissed her face, wiping away her sweat and my tears. Death, the only certainty in life, had accomplished his mission. The researcher hovered about, notebook in hand. She asked me something, pink mouth moving silently. I looked away, ear cocked, head turned to the side, listening for any sounds from my mother. I heard someone explaining something to her. No, you cannot take pictures. No, you cannot go to the grave. No, because women are not allowed to.

The next day, she stayed with us at home, observing our grief. As my brother was putting my mother’s head in the grave, kilometers away, her husband came out with his camera and started snapping away. The camera was wrestled from his grip and taken away.

Years later, I read her PhD research and could not place myself in her writings. That is not what happened on that day, at that hour, I fumed. I should know, that is when my mother died. We were never presented with the findings and were never involved with her research in any way. However, her research, her participatory research, claims otherwise.

Now fast forward to 1999, the start of the research avalanche. The Somali communities had researcher commandos coming through their front doors, back doors, windows and even through their roofs. You could hire a Somali to open their community for you, rush in and pick your research objects. If you were a feminist, you’d pick the Somali woman with her pregnant forehead. If you were a youth activist, you’d pick her adolescents with their protruding teeth. If you were a social worker, you’d pick her children with their swollen bellies. For some strange reason, the Somali man, lucky bastard, was never picked on as a study subject. As a researcher, you’d work your way up from a novice researcher to an expert, to a specialist on Somalis. This was the golden era in Somali research.

Now fast forward to 2002, the research specialists linked up with associations/NGOs and put their drinking straws into the blood of the Somalis. The trend was to publish your research, then set up an EU-funded project and call it a name like “half-an ass”, your momma”, “save a skinny Somali” or something like that. To gain legitimacy, you’d scrawl Somalis on your cover page and disregard any ethical considerations. It did not matter that you did not interview all the Somalis; that you only interviewed a handful. It did not matter whether you consulted your target group, what they thought of the labels attached to them, of your findings. All that mattered was gaining recognition and making a livelihood. Once you had that project which allowed you to overnight in Mogadishu, dine in Nairobi and drink in New York, you were set for at least four years or more.

Now fast forward to 2006, I am a development expert and planning a project for a certain country. I fled Finland as a refugee, fled from xenophobia, to faraway sunny places. Obsessed with doing good deeds, I spent endless hours working on plans, calling meetings the next day and getting signatures from the parties involved by that evening. The plan was given to them for implementation, along with funding. When the reporting time neared, the implementing party sat and churned out a report to my liking. Instead of teaching them how to fish, I taught them how to relay on donors. I bought the ingredients, cooked the food, invited them over, offered it to them and even told them how to eat it. And so life went on. My point here is that I know what it feels like to plan for people, to take away their agency instead of planning with them.

Now fast forward to 2014, I am a PhD researcher. As I embark on my research, I am mindful of my two roles, of being a researcher as well as the researched. I sit with you, not as an object but as an equal being and challenge you to think outside of the box. As I stand here, I know that there are some here who think that I don’t belong. You’d rather exclude me. Perhaps you believe that exclusion and inclusion are only concepts? You would rather continue seeing me as the other, the exotic, the victim. You want to silence me so that you can continue to speak for me, speak over me. Do you think you can tell my story better than me?

I also know that there are some here who are offended by what I am saying. But as you’re stewing in your indignation, please remember that it is not about you. It isn’t and has never been about you. It is about the other, the communities that have been researched to death. It is about producing the same bull year in and year out.

Then there are those from these communities who cry wolf, who blame others for entering and researching these communities. I understand their views. Like them, I want the researchers to stop focusing on producing disempowering narratives on Somalis. I want them to stop generalizing their findings to all the Somalis: to the Farah and Farhiyo eating peanuts peacefully in Puijonlaakso. However, my response to them has been that as long as there are people among us who let in these researchers, then they should also be blamed. It takes two to tango. The reasons for letting in these researchers are various. Some of us let in these researchers, hoping to get something out of it. But when that does not materialize beyond consultancy fees, salary,  acknowledgement or a career as a used fiddle in the hands of your fiddler, what then?

If your research has nothing new to add, then please don’t do it. It does not help that you recruit assistants from these communities, that the gates have been opened to you, that your team has people from these communities. If the end result is the same as your findings in 2001, then it is time to call it quits. Or is it?

Thank you.

Read original column here.

This piece was reprinted by Migrant Tales with permission.

Violent language

Posted on February 23, 2014 by Migrant Tales

Some Finns don’t grasp how violent anti-immigration groups are and the role of institutional racism, which serves and supports such groups. Every lie, distorted and exaggerated fact concocted against migrants and visible minorities is a bullet.

These anti-immigration groups and their supporters are, however, big cowards. They often threaten, slander and distort facts anonymously. Some may even write to your employer – anonymously of course – and chastise you in the hope that you’ll get fired from your job.

Even though I got my first death threats in Finland in the early 1990s after I wrote about Somali and African asylum seekers in Mikkeli for Finland’s largest magazine, Apu, matters have gotten worse since those days.

That’s why I believe that the Perussuomalaiset, especially their far-right and anti-immigration wing, are a big threat to the security of migrants and visible minorities. The Perussuomalaiset aren’t the only political party in Finland that has racists. You can find them in all parties.

Violence doesn’t always have to be physical and can be found in the form of institutional racism. It lives at elementary schools where children of migrant parents are openly labeled as “them,” or “other.”

Inequality is violence with a capital “V” especially in a noble country like Finland.

It’s high time that we recognize and challenge violent language against migrants and all minorities.

Being “critical of migrants” is only a code word for racism and hostility.

Read posting in Finnish here.

Väkivallan kielellä

Posted on February 23, 2014 by Migrant Tales

Jotkut eivät ymmärrä kuinka väkivaltaisia ovat maahanmuuttovastustajat ja niitä rasismin yhteiskunnallisia rakenteita joita he palvelevat ja joihin saavat tukea. Jokainen valhe, vääristetty ja liioiteltu tieto on kuin luoti.

Nämä maahanmuuttovastaiset ovat kuitenkin suuria pelkureita. He monesti uhkaavat, solvaavat toisia ei omalla nimellä mutta nimettömänä. He kirjoittavat jopa työantajalle – tietysti nimettömänä – ja haukkuvat sinua siinä toivossa, että saisit potkut työpaikkaistasi.

Vaikka sain ensimmäiset tappouhkaukset toimittajana Suomessa 1990-luvun alussa, koska kirjoitin jutun Apu-lehteen somalialaisista ja afrikkalaisista pakolaisista Mikkelissä, sama meno on vain kiihtynyt tänään.

Siksi uskon, että perussuomalaiset ja erityisesti sen äärioikeisto ja maahanmuuttovastainen siipi ovat suuri vaara ja turvallisuusriski meille, eli maahanmuuttajille ja näkyville vähemmistöille. Perussuomalaiset eivät ole ainoa puolue jossa on rasisteja. Niitä on valitettavasti jokaisessa suomalaisissa puolueessa.

Väkivallan ei tarvitse aina olla fyysistä, koska siitä löytyy myös valtion ja yhteiskunnanrakenteissa.  Se voi tapahtua  ala-asteen koululla kun sinut leimataan avoimesti mamu.

Epätasa-arvoa on väkivalta isolla V:llä erityisesti niin hienossa maassa kuin Suomessa.

Olisi siksi korkea aika tunnistaa ja haasta väkivallan kieli.

Se ei ole mitään “kriittisyyttä,” se on väkivalta.

___________

Nimetön kirje minulle Ylä-Savosta päivitetty 8.11.2010:

Herra Tessieri

Hyvin kylmät terveiset täältä Ylä-Savosta, kirjoittaja on alkuperäinen Suomen kansalainen, joka puolusti tätä maata, jonka sos. turvan varassa ilmeisesti sinäkin nyt nautiskelet. Haavoitun tätä maata puolustaessani talvi ja jatko sodassa itsenäisyytemme puolesta, en teikäläisten muukalaisten puolesta. Emme voi hyväksyä tätä ”luuseri”-laumaa mitä sinäkin edustat ja vielä yrität moittia ja haukkua alkuperäisiä suomalaisia, jotka ovat tämän maan rakentaneet ja verellään lunastaneet. Häpeä hyvä mies tälläistä artikkeliä minkä Savon Sanomat vielä julkaisi.

Kuvankaappaus 2014-2-23 kello 13.14.21

Sain vihaisen kirjeen tämän mielipidejutun takia.

Mene hyvä mies sinne maahan mistä olet tullut, äläkä tule koskaan takaisin. Korjaa sen valtakunnan etuja, jos sinut joku maa haluaa elätäkseen ottaa. Terve menoa vain.

Olen tilannut Savon Sanomia yli 50 vuotta, mutta nyt olen sanonut tilaukseni irti kun häpäisevät tilaajiaan tuommoisilta artikkeleilla sinun ansioistasi. Kirjoitti eräs sotimme veteraani suuren joukon puolesta jotka ovat samaa mieltä tällöisistä luusereista. Emme todella puolustanut tätä maata teikäläisiä varten. Suomi Suomalaisille.!

 

 

Passage of gay marriage law will benefit all minorities in Finland

Posted on February 22, 2014 by Migrant Tales

The ongoing passionate debate in parliament on same-sex marriage reveals, in my opinion, something we’ve known all along about Finland: How we accept and respect people who are different from us. Alongside the present debate on gay marriage is another one being contested in public about our ever-growing cultural diversity.

A draft law to legalize gay marriage in Finland was defeated in February 2013 by a vote of 9-8 by the legal committee of parliament.

Finland is still the only Nordic country that doesn’t recognize same-sex marriages.

After that dramatic vote in the legal committee last year, a lot of matters have happened. A citizen’s initiative got over 166,000 signatures. A citizen’s initiative gets 50,000 signatures in six months it must be put to a vote in parliament.

If we look at an A-Studio poll that was published Thursday, it shouldn’t surprise us that the same political parties that oppose gay marriage are against cultural diversity.

Which parties oppose gay marriage? It shouldn’t surprise us that at the head of the list is the anti-EU, anti-immigration and especially anti-Islam Perussuomalaiset (PS) party followed by smaller ones like the Christian Democrats.  The Center Party and National Coalition Party, are still split on the new law.

Kuvankaappaus 2014-2-22 kello 9.10.46

 A poll by A-Studio shows that 108 out of 199 MPs support the same-sex marriage initiative. Read full story here.

One could rightfully ask why is legalizing gay marriage important for Finland. The answer to this question is clear because there is a direct relationship with the ongoing debate on our ever-growing cultural diversity and how minorities should be accepted and respected in this country.

Finland has always been culturally diverse, according to Professor Jeremy Gould of Jyväskylä University.

“Culture is always diverse – people everywhere have different tastes, beliefs, habits, and values,” he told Migrant Tales. “This has been true of Finland for centuries. For me the so-called ‘debate about multiculturalism’ is a code word for racism in our society. Finland is already culturally diverse. The issue is that people of color don’t receive the respect and recognition they deserve as human beings.”

In the same way, the debate on granting gays the right to marriage is a code word for homophobia.

The same parties that aren’t ready to give gays the right to marriage are those that are doing everything possible to sabotage and deny our cultural diversity. Spearheading this campaign is none other than the PS.

When the new law is passed, not only will gays benefit from it but other minorities in our society. It will lead and fuel the long-overdue recognition and respect due to all minorities living in Finland.

That is why a lot rides on the passage of the gay marriage law.

David Papineau: Civil Society and why Adnan Januzaj should be Eligible for England (Though He Isn’t)

Posted on February 20, 2014 by Migrant Tales

David Papineau

Adnan Januzaj is what American sports journalists call a ‘phenom’. Barely eighteen when he was called into the Manchester United first team last August, he immediately proved a match-winner and has been exuding class all season. If he can stay fit and keep his form, he is destined to become one of the footballing greats.

Kuvankaappaus 2014-2-20 kello 10.46.14Read original column here. 

Januzaj’s parents are ethnic Albanians who fled Kosovo in 1992 to avoid the Yugoslav army draft. Adnan was born in Belgium three years later, and moved to Manchester just after his sixteenth birthday to join United’s youth programme. Not surprisingly, his talents have generated much curiosity about which national team he will play for. Kosovo don’t have a side—not yet anyway—but Turkey, Albania, Serbia, Croatia, Belgium and England have all been mentioned as possibilities.

The idea that Januzaj might in due course qualify for England prompted some interesting reactions. Jack Wilshere, the very home-grown Arsenal midfielder, was particularly forthright: “The only people who should play for England are English people” he insisted, when quizzed about Januzaj by the press.

I’m a great admirer of Wilshere’s onfield skills, but his attitude strikes me as indefensible. As someone whose maternal grandparents were born German Jews, and whose formative years were spent in apartheid South Africa, I am naturally sympathetic to those who seek to forge a new life in a new country. But even those who don’t share my cosmopolitan sentiments should think twice before siding with Wilshere’s little-Englandism.

Let me explain. By and large, national sporting eligibility in the modern world depends on citizenship. And citizenship in turn depends on residence. Nearly all countries allow those who have been legally resident for some fixed period to become ‘naturalized’ citizens. In Britain the required period is five years, which means that in the natural course of events Junuzaj could become British in 2016.

 Somewhat less familiarly, most countries make residence necessary for citizenship, as well as sufficient. True, you can be a citizen of a country that you have never set foot in, courtesy of your parent’s citizenship. But this is basically a device to avoid mothers having to scurry back to their homeland to give birth, and you aren’t allowed to iterate it indefinitely. As things now stand in Britain, for example, citizenship by descent runs out after one generation, as the grandchildren of emigrants often discover to their cost.


It might seem surprising that residence counts for so much and ancestry for so little. After all, chauvinism is an easy vote-winner pretty much everywhere. Moreover, prejudice isn’t the only motivation for wanting to restrict citizenship to those with a shared background. You don’t have to be Enoch Powell to recognize that civil society depends on more than common geographical boundaries. A healthy community requires a mutual sense of acceptable public behaviour, of how to settle disputes, of your obligations to neighbours and acquaintances, and so on.

Still, there is a basic reason why most nations aim to preserve the foundations of civil society without tying citizenship to ethnic origin. Movement of people across national boundaries has long been inevitable. Political realignments, surreptitious immigration, and above all commerce lead inexorably to a build-up of non-citizens inside national regions. And the obvious problem is that, if these newcomers are left as non-citizens indefinitely, they are likely to start resenting it and stirring up trouble.

The smart solution is to incorporate them, to sign them up to the deal on which all modern democracies rest. We will make you full citizens with all accompanying rights, and in return you will respect our shared way of doing things.

Pessimists say it won’t work. How can a Ghanaian become Italian, or a Vietnamese Australian, or indeed a Kosovan English? But history is on the side of optimism. Maybe you can’t lose your ethnicity easily (though that in itself is an interesting question), but this is no barrier to gaining a nationality. My grandparents, who remained loyal to the orthodox synagogue all their lives, were obsessed with becoming English. (My mother was an encyclopedia on the niceties of English manners.) Or just think of modern America, where successive waves of ethnic immigrants embraced their new national identity with excitement and pride.

Of course, the deal works best when the welcome is sincere. You won’t get buy-in from the newcomers if they think they are still being treated as second class citizens. They need to feel that all institutions are open to them—including national sports teams. That’s why I find Wilshere’s attitude not only mean-spirited but destructive. Once people are living in your country, it does nobody any good to discriminate against them. Imagine what it would do to social relations in Sweden or Germany if Zlatan Ibrahimovic and Mesut Özil were kept out of the national teams because of their ethnic origin.

Sadly, though, it seems as though Adnan Januszaj won’t be eligible for England after all, at least not unless the rules are changed. The reason is that nowadays sporting eligibility doesn’t always follow nationality. A number of international sporting bodies have become uneasy about the readiness with which some countries hand out citizenship, and so have imposed a blanket residence requirement. In particular, FIFA, the football authority, got fed up with the number of Brazilians turning up in other countries’ sides, and so since 2008 have demanded that, in addition to citizenship, you must have lived in a country for five years before you can represent it on the football field.

Why is that a problem for Januzaj? If he becomes British on the basis of five years residence, won’t that automatically satisfy the extra FIFA requirement too? Ah, well that would work fine if there were a British football team—but there isn’t. So the so-called Home Nations have had to devise some extra rules to decide who can play for England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. And in their wisdom they have decreed that from 2009 you need to have been born in the relevant country, or to have a parent or grandparent born there, or to have been educated there for five years before the age of eighteen.

So even if Adnan becomes British, and lives here for the rest of his life, he will never be able to play for England. Nor, if you think about it, will anybody who moves here after they are thirteen. I’d say the Home Nations have got it badly wrong. They have put too much weight on descent, and left no room for newcomers to opt in.

Consider what their rules mean. If cricket had applied them in recent decades, carpetbaggers like Kevin Pietersen and Allan Lamb would have been fine, courtesy of their English parents, but Basil D’Oliveira would have been out. And in soccer the Canadian Owen Hargreaves would have been in, because of his English father, but Cyrille Regis MBE would never have been able to play for his country—as he didn’t move here from the Caribbean until he was fifteen.

Perhaps the Home Nations authorities didn’t fully appreciate the implications of their new policy. One would hope so. But in any case their regulations strike me as badly in need of reassessment. Perhaps this new controversy will serve to draw attention to their failings. Adnan Januzaj for England, I say.

Read original blog entry here.

This piece was reprinted by Migrant Tales with permission.

Burst the hate bubble of anti-immigration groups

Posted on February 19, 2014 by Migrant Tales

When you listen to anti-immigration politicians and groups, there’s one matter that exposes them to the tee: Constant whining without any solutions. They don’t give you the solution to the problem because they simply have none to offer.

Kuvankaappaus 2014-2-19 kello 7.37.58

Read full story here.

The Nazis were questionably pro-active on ethnic issues. As we saw from 1933, one matter led to another and a whole nation found itself on a slipper slope that led to places like Auschwitz.

Look at the matter this way. Anti-immigration politicians and groups are tirelessly inflating society with hate. Do they do this for our benefit or their opportunistic political goals? Are they preparing us for those slippery slopes that we’ve seen in Europe too many times before?

Demand an answer from them. By demanding solutions you effectively expose them and burst the hate bubble they live in.

Children of immigrants: “Only Finnish spoken here and you’re a mamu”

Posted on February 17, 2014 by Migrant Tales

We claim that Finland has one of the best educational systems in the world. We claim that we teach our children social equality and that they have equal rights to advance in life. Why then are children of immigrants called at some schools mamus and why do we force them to speak only Finnish?

The term mamu derives from the Finnish word maahanmuuttaja, or immigrant.

Finnish schools basically do the same thing today that they did in the 1970s, when they punished Saami children for speaking their native language at schools.

If we forbid and make clear that children shouldn’t speak their mother or father tongue at school, isn’t this outright discrimination and a lack of respect for the child’s ethnic and cultural background?

IMG_3371-1

We only speak Finnish here reads a sign on the door of a Finnish elementary school.

 

Certainly if one or both of the child’s parents are migrants, it’s important that the child learns Finnish or Swedish. The better the child learns these languages, the better his or her chances of succeeding in this country. This is a good goal but it shouldn’t be done at the expense of the child’s native language and identity.

IMG_3370-1

You can’t speak any other language but Finnish and on top of that you’re labelled a mamu. Who labels you a mamu? The majority culture.

Why do some schools in Finland continue to call third-culture children, who have lived here most of their lives or were born here, mamus?

Why don’t we call them Finns who have a different cultural and ethnic background from white Finns?

Why is this still so difficult to understand?

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