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Author: Mark

Immigration and integration: What can we honestly expect?

Posted on March 9, 2012 by Mark

Too many words and not enough understanding. That’s my assessment. And words can surely divide us. “I’m for this and against that…” sprinked with a dash of integration, assimilation, multiculturalism, and discrimination. And where does that leave us? Forget the debate for a moment, where does that leave us as people? Arguing, and ever more bitter it seems. There needs to be more agreement, and less getting bogged down in definitions, hypotheticals, generalizations, and population statistics. Still, that IS the world of politics for you.

One argument that tends to define the debate centres on who should change when it comes to immigrants living a new life in a new country. There are those that say immigrants should become as much like the original inhabitants as possible (assimilation), and those that say they should be allowed to hold onto their own cultural identity (multiculturalism).

An argument put up against multiculturalism is that it leads to segregation, with the historical Chinatowns being augmented by new Pakistantowns, Somalitowns, Afghanistantowns, Romatowns etc. The problem is then perceived to be that the immigrants’ descendents may not even make the effort to learn the national language, which is probably seen as one of the most publicly tangible manifestations of non-integration. Some forget perhaps though that we have lived with this kind of phenomenon for millennia – is it not time that we made ourselves more comfortable with the idea? Also, Chinatowns can be very productive economically.

Multiculturalism openly invites communities to establish their own institutions which reflect their cultural heritage, their faith, and their cultural preferences. In a weakly multicultural society, that might entail multifaith schools, culture-sensitive public institutions, culture-specific civic organizations, and culture-specific political advocacy.

The new communities operate like communities within communities, with civic engagement geared to developing and protecting the specific interests of the minority community. As multiculturalism becomes more established, stronger forms show up in the form of faith-specific schools and new places of worship being built that better reflect the new demographics as individuals practice their freedom of religion.

One known effect of this changing diversity is that people of ALL groups can start to feel ‘lost’. Visible differences can make people feel defensive, more specifically, on the outside of their society. That is an uncomfortable feeling that is seen to drive people more towards the inside. For that reason, it’s unsurprising that studies therefore show that people living in the early stages of diverse communities can withdraw from society in general, including from their own communities.

Nevertheless, this is only part of the picture. A lack of complete trust does not mean that there is no trust, nor does mistrust towards a community mean that there is the same level of mistrust towards known individuals from that community. In fact, this is intuitively observable: one can have a negative view of a group but a positive view of individuals from within that group. Contradiction? That’s human beings for you. For that reason, a community-level analysis (see Robert Putnam) is likely to give an overly pessimistic picture. It really ain’t that black and white, figuritively or literally.

For integration (whichever form, multicultural or assimilation) to be successful it requires that there would be no obstacles to immigrants acquiring an education and occupations, that they are free to live where they want without fear of discrimination, that they are able to speak the language of the natives, and ultimately that they are able to intermarry without fear of excommunication or stigma, from any of the communities affected.

The reality can sometimes be quite far from this, though. Locals who witness this diversification but do not feel part of it can be most affected, as the roots of their own identity disappear in front of their eyes: a particular area may have had a very different recent and ancient history. Nevertheless, the incessant march of history can leave any one of us feeling that we have been left behind, and one should be sensitive to that. But really, there are meaningful opportunities in the ‘new world’, and people should be encouraged to reach out to others who are entering the community, who may also feel disorientated by the whole thing.

Of course, we cannot ignore that there are problems with immigration. Two solutions have been put forward by those somewhat to the right of the Maypole. The first is simply to avoid immigration: Close the doors and baton down the hatches! Some might go so far as to say “let’s make the place as unpleasant as possible and then maybe they will all go home!”

This solution will clearly fail. For a start, it’s giving in to a kind of superstitious fear of that which lurks beyond the horizon. And second, arguing that one is skeptical towards immigration is about as sensible as arguing that one is skeptical towards childbirth. It’s a fundamental feature of human populations that we move and that we intermingle and intermarry. How much that happens has depended on many factors: economic, cultural, geographical. But it happens. Likewise, adopting this ‘bunker approach’ when a community is already diverse and has significant 1st, 2nd, 3rd …. and 20th generation immigrants is rather like closing the barn door after the horse has long bolted. It is a fundamental misperception of the current state of reality. No wonder it leads to so much anger.

The other solution put forward has been assimilation, as already mentioned. Usually it is meant in the strong sense, though I will refer to both a strong and weak form. The thinking goes that immigrants are like visitors, i.e. guests or tourists. They are expected to behave as such and not let the ‘team’ down. Also, when in Rome, do as the Romans do. In the weaker sense, assimilation is expected to bring new aspects to the native culture, and so the final culture will be some kind of amalgamation of the two (e.g. the national food of the UK could easily be said to be a good old curry! ..and notice that ‘good old…’ doesn’t even sound out of place!).

More effects of weak assimilation are that notions of justice, social participation, the role of the family, free speech, etc will become more nuanced and diverse, while public institutions will also have learnt to take account of the greater diversity of the citizens that they serve.

In the strong sense, assimilation means that descendents of immigrants are indistinguishable from the old inhabitants, but this ignores that cultural effects work in many directions. Neither the descendents of the original population or the immigrant population will be exactly the same as their parents, and many of the reasons for this will have absolutely nothing to do with immigration (think Facebook, The Bold and the Beautiful, Ipad etc.).

Following a maturing of the process of assimilation, a new and more diverse identity emerges that is able to bring together the majority of the inhabitants in a strong and shared identity, regardless of their origins. Looking at the UK, which is further down this path that many countries, this is absolutely the case for very many natives, immigrants and descendents of immigrants. It is more obviously the case in the cosmopolitan cities and to a larger extent too in the rural areas close to those cities. In other areas, where contacts have been more sporadic or where immigrants are yet to achieve equality, then the effects of the early stages of ‘diversification’ still hold true, i.e. a degree of mistrust, some withdrawal, and as Putnam would probably predict, higher levels of political engagement (as we see in Finland currently with the rise of PS).

So of all these possible directions for the future, which would be best? Strong assimilation, weak assimilation, weak multiculturalism, segregation? What should be our expectations or even our aims?

The answer in my view is both obvious and yet overlooked. Why do we expect or desire only one kind of outcome?

It seems perfectly reasonable to me that we should expect degrees of all these things, as part of an ongoing processes that individuals react to differently and at different speeds. Not only that, but there really is space in our society for a little of everything!

So what can we expect? We can expect more new immigrants who are likely to set up in the cities and then gradually progress from the cities to the regions, though this is complicated by existing problems of regionalisation, with high rural unemployment, especially among the young, and so a slower process of assimilation would be expected to that found in the cities.

We can expect multicultural threads in our society, where people identify through their faith and their community. In that sense, they are expressing their freedoms and these are not generally speaking incompatible with those of natives. We can expect 2nd and 3rd generation immigrants to identify both with their parents ethnic identity and the national identity, to varying degrees and not necessarily with any great conflict, though sometimes there will be.

We can expect areas of some cities to become segregated areas, simply because this has always happened, and in many ways, it can be one of the charms of city life or larger towns – they allow the world to come to you rather than you having to travel to meet the world. We must avoid ghettos (deprivation) and ensure that segregation doesn’t mean isolation. Chinatowns are really a very good model for how those who choose to retain stronger links with their ethnic culture can engage economically with the surrounding economy.

We can expect to see more diversity in what is seen to constitute justice, what our roles are in society and our relationship to the rest of the world. But this diversity will not be a completely new thing, because the fact is there already exists a vast diversity within cultures, so that diversity between cultures is all too easily overemphasized, sometimes purely on the basis of a different colour of skin. Bear in mind that when put in new words, old ideas may indeed seem very foreign. It is always a good idea to ask whether new customs are related somehow to existing customs.

So in sum, we can expect something of each of the ‘solutions’ put forward in the debate on immigration. Immigrants or their descendents will be steered in different directions: some towards strong assimilation, some towards weak assimilation, some towards multiculturalism, and some towards cultural self-defence, some towards completely new identies that unite around the greater diversity. Those living out this integration are as diverse as those looking for the best method of integration. But a little less ‘this way, folks’ and a recognition that there are several ways ahead that can and will exist together would go a long way to taking some of the heat out of the situation: Unless it was never really about integration in the first place!? That’s a challenge to those that say it’s not about racism….

In that sense, what might appear like a broken society to many of those looking for a single solution is not actually broken. It might be a truism to say that the biggest enemy in all of this is not diversity, but that old enemy of all good civilisations – poverty!

Finally, a note of caution. The history of every single nation on Earth reveals that ‘groups’ have come to blows over what is ‘right’ and ‘wrong’ about how we should organize our society. Politics has the power to truly divide, to literally split our heads open. Finland is no stranger to this kind of conflict. So, when considering how to deal with the extremes within and without our communities, the important thing is to maintain a policy of tolerant engagement with those who seek moderation – i.e. always pull towards the middle and we will all be safer and closer, for sure.

Multiculturalism is dead – long live multiculturalism

Posted on March 1, 2012 by Mark
Warning: this article quotes racist profanity by way of illustration. Apologies in advance if you find it offensive.

The King is dead – long live the King! So runs the traditional proclamation when the monarch dies, only to be reborn magically through the next heir. The irony of listening to politicians line up to proclaim that ‘multiculturalism is dead’ is that even after a million such proclamations, Europe moves forward in the very next moment being just as much multicultural and multiethnic as it was before. Not one whit has changed. Except that somebody has clearly been trying to ascend to the throne….

The thing that disappoints me most about politicians that say things like ‘there isn’t a racism problem in Finland’, or ‘multiculturalism is dead’ is that as leaders, they give permission to other people to say and believe the same, even when it clearly isn’t true.

When they say racism isn’t a problem, what they mean is that it isn’t perceived as a big enough problem among the electorate for them to start getting caught up in the emotive and moral minefield that is trying to explain and tackle racism.

When they say that ‘multiculturalism is dead’, what they mean is that populist arguments that immigration is bad have started to convince enough of the electorate that if they were to come out and argue against racism, it is going to lose them votes, crucially amongst their own support.

It has in recent decades become the case that if you start to seriously lose ground on an ideological point in politics, you simply abandon the stance temporarily or permanently or suffer the risk of never getting into power – i.e. leave the job of trying to win the argument to idealists and sociologists. Politicians are pragmatic, at the best of times.

The problem is though that it’s not just political ground they give up, it’s moral ground. The chances are that the silent suffering of immigrants subject to daily, weekly or monthly racist abuse goes on, and even increases. Meanwhile, racists take their propaganda to new levels, with a blatant denial of ALL racism, because if you deny that something is racist, then you cannot be accused of racism when you do it.

To give you some idea of how far this rationale can be stretched, I want to share a discussion I had recently with someone who said one footballer calling another footballer a black c*nt was not racist, because, ‘well, he’s black isn’t he?’ They think that because they find a ‘fact’ to hide behind, they are stating something that is merely true, and so how can it possibly be racist? This same kind of vacuous argument and hiding behind ‘facts’ is put forth again and again by those defending their prejudices on Migrant Tales.

For example, if it’s something that insults and denigrates an entire immigrant group, it’s not racism if they can claim it is as fact, regardless of how shaky or questionable that fact is, or whether it’s absolutely clear that the trait in question can NEVER be a group trait, but only an individual trait. At times, they deny there is even a racial element even when one is blatantly obvious (ergo: “black – but he is black, it’s a fact, it’s not being ‘racial’ to recognise it as a fact,” and said with no hint of intellectual uncertainty). By hiding behind these ‘facts’ and only accepting the validity of race when it suits to denigrate ethnic groups, they can tell us, with a completely straight face – “there is no racism in Finland!”

Of course, there are many nuances to the denial of racism, and these are just a few.

There is one word that springs to my mind when it comes to some politicians and their attitudes to racism – spineless! It’s easy to play the denial game if you know that half the population is also playing it, and most of the other half cannot be bothered to argue about it, even if they know it for what it is. That’s my cynical streak talking.

At the end of the day, the argument about what multiculturalism actually is will rumble on. I would urge you not to buy into the idea that politicians are the best custodians of our culture, simply because they are too concerned with whether it will have any vote value. Alternatively, I urge you to recognise that multicultural is the acceptance that there are many different ways to do culture in legitimate and peaceful ways. In protecting the freedom of those that are different to us, we are protecting our own freedom to be different.

My grateful thanks to Enrique and Migrant Tales for the opportunity to contribute on a regular basis.

Have a nice weekend.

Mark

Your story – the story of who you are!

Posted on March 1, 2012 by Mark

Migrant Tales implies just that, stories about migrants. Stories go a long way in defining who we are. We tell the story of our life, our journey, our relationships, our belonging, and our struggles, hopes and triumphs. Through sharing, we can achieve also belonging. By properly hearing a story, we learn of the world and indeed, we learn more about ourselves.

We often though not always tell that story through language, and not always our first language, as a way to share with others in our community. Indeed, a living community is in many ways built with ‘shared stories’. Everyone has a right to tell their own story, and to hold many versions of the same story. No one story will capture all the truth of who we are.

Stories tell us many things. They tell about things that have happened, they tell about how people have treated each other, how we have treated other people, they tell about changes in our lives, they tell about our search for meaning, for purpose, and for belonging. We often find these things through work, through friendship and love, through families and through testing the world we live in, to see what gives.

For a migrant, a big chunk of their story is likely to remain untold or even untellable, especially in the public space. The cultural, geographical and embodied references that help to place others into our own story are just not easy to communicate. Likewise, a new language can blunt our expression to the point of making us appear quite simple or slow. The avenues through which we can share our story may appear dark and forbidding. Not only that, while we struggle to find the tools to tell our stories, others are busy telling a different story about us, and with all the ease and narrative force that comes with having native use of the language.

When someone is telling a story about someone else, one of the key things to disappear is nuance. What I mean is the complexity and texture of human experience, which defies any box or any stereotype. Ideas about the person become simplified, usually by putting them into a group. In the absence of real and lived experience emanating from the immigrant’s life, the native storyteller relies instead on creating a collective story, about a group, constructed with broad strokes and bold phrases. Not only do these particular natives seek to construct the story according to their own rules, but they in turn ‘give’ this story back to the immigrant and ask them to take it as their own. Immigrants are literally told what their story is to be.

There is only one way out of this sorry situation, and that is to encourage people to seize back their stories. Each story told identifies an individual and it’s only this direct knowledge and information put into the public storehouse of stories, that will counter the oversimplified ‘group’ picture that some seek to write on behalf of immigrants. People do want real knowledge of other people, especially strangers.

In the absence of knowledge about strangers, we tend to make things up, things that reflect our fears and our prejudices. But given the opportunity to hear another’s story told in an honest and heartfelt way, then most of us will rejoice and be happy that uncertainty has given way to empathy and a real sense of another.

We all have a story. Don’t let anyone take it away from you.

Nationalism, Fascism, Populism and Racism – a family of Kings or Thieves?

Posted on December 20, 2011 by Mark

By Mark Phillips

So, nationalism, fascism, populism and racism – ‘who’ are they and do they share anything in common with each other? Here, I’m going to give a brief but hopefully pertinent overview. Are they Kings or Thieves? Maybe my conclusions will surprise you.

It is important to first understand that a nationalist person is a different entity to a nationalist organisation, a political party, a state institution or even a whole nation state. The difference is one of scale and of kind. A person who is a nationalist will have opinions that link their personal identity very strongly with a ‘national identity’. Nationalists often see themselves as patriots. It doesn’t really matter whether you call yourself a patriot or a nationalist; what matters is what comes from that sentiment of ‘loving your country’, and whether it’s accompanied by any kind of systematic devaluing of other nations or identities.

Public figures aside, nationalistic people who have strong political and cultural views do not necessarily have a lot of power to affect others, outside of their right to vote and their freedom to cajole their family and friends. On an individual level, a nationalist can be someone who, when discussing matters of national identity, is open, warm, culturally informed, friendly, knowledgeable, expansive and easy company, while on the other extreme, they can be cesspits of prejudice directed against people of other nations or people of their own nation.

Political parties, institutions, and various bodies on the other hand have the power to discriminate on a far larger scale, for good or ill; they can promote either tolerance or prejudice; they can highlight or ignore widespread discrimination; they can take action, impose penalties and sanctions, or provide or deny support. While many parties and organisations have sought to actively protect the rights of minorities, some have ignored the issues, have denied the specific needs of particular groups or have even advocated lesser rights for minorities, in the shape of extra requirements or fewer rights compared to normal citizens.

At its best, nationalism is a celebration of identity, tradition and culture. At its worst it can be the systematic exclusion of certain groups and minorities from the ‘family’ and from the nation’s community, thereby fuelling discrimination, violence and misery. Historically, those excluded have at various times been gypsies, Jews, people with disabilities, immigrants, the mentally ill, the religious and the non-religious. Nationalists rather than describing the national character, often fall into the trap of prescribing the national character, which ends in the rather lame attempts of the few telling the many how to be what they already are – members of the nation community; for example, Finns telling other Finns how to be Finns!

At its very worst, nationalism can be the attempted extermination of a minority. So, let’s be aware, let’s be very aware, that this is the power that identity has over us. It can bring out the best or the absolute worst, and for that reason, it is clearly our moral responsibility to acknowledge its special and powerful force in human societies. A King or a Thief? The potential is there for both.

Fascism is understood as a blend of nationalism and radicalism. Fascists believe it is the responsibility of the state to maintain and promote the national identity as well as a national community. The radicalism of fascism entails a change of society’s values towards collectivism (the national community), a redistribution of resources away from corporate elites towards ‘social’ programs and the construction of an authoritarian state (redistribution of power centrally) ; the latter is not seen as negative – the ‘authority’ of the state is envisaged as necessary, as guiding the people, and acting as sovereign guardian to the nation’s values and identity. This protection does require more power than your average state, which is why fascism jumps into bed so quickly with totalitarianism.

The appeal of fascism is that it is committed to a sense of national community. They consider the community as organic, linked by ancestry, culture and blood. Fascism in many ways hankers back to the values of tribalism, where community, ancestory and common interest set the limits to personal freedoms. As with nationalism, fascism has the potential to separate people into camps. Indeed, the national identity is seen to supersede all other categories such as age, gender, or class.

With fascism, the national identity is all too easily mythologized, frozen historically and idealised; it is imagined as being passed on by elders of the community, while in reality, in fascist states it is churned out as indoctrination from government committees sitting on high and charged with maintaining ‘culture’. This is somewhat removed from a real cultural identity, which is by contrast changing, diverse, typically shaped at the grass roots and constantly being challenged from within.

It is for this reason that the political goals of fascists often involve what for ordinary folk might seem rather oddball issues – opposing interbreeding (family policy), controlling art forms (cultural integrity), controlling language (opposition to loan words etc).

A key result of fascism is a society ruled by fear, as the consequences of being different or challenging the state-promoted norms become a whole lot more unpleasant the stronger the state becomes. This is because fascism and violence are never far apart. Fascism has the paranoid habit of declaring (violent) war on everything that is not itself. Promoting political violence has been integral to fascism as a means of renewal and national regeneration and as a means for bringing about revolution. Militarism is actively promoted and elevated, as fostering comradeship, character, discipline, physical fitness and devotion to a national cause. The militarism can also play out in the arena of perceived culture warfare and cultural self-defence.

Clearly the individual freedoms of expression that we enjoy today are inconsistent with a pure fascist vision of ‘national cohesion’, although politicians on all sides can be seen to play to the central themes of fascism: strong community, centralised authority, strong militarism, strong national identity and the interests of the ‘community’ over the interests of the individual. In themselves, they are not inherently evil themes. However, the paramilitary aspects of fascism have invariably been a hotbed for human excesses, dismissed by fascist authorities as the over-exuberant actions of a few! A King or a Thief? Almost certainly a thief, climbing on the back of what it claims is positive nationalism and a sense of community.

Populism as a political ideology is built on the idea that it represents and expresses the needs of ordinary people. Typically, an enemy is created in the form of cultural, economic and political elites. The political ideology, much like fascism, attempts to present itself as above party politics, or distinctions of left and right. A key element of populism is the ‘folksy guy’ who is in touch with ordinary folk, typically a family man, devoted, hard working, with a strong national identity – salt of the earth! Populism has great appeal because it appears to put the everyman in amongst the power-brokers.

Regardless of how populism presents itself, it promotes a top-down political authoritarianism that has much in common with Fascism or other elements of the Far Right, particularly in adopting a ‘cultural agenda’. Populism is similar to fascism in that it builds on real social divisions, this time between the masses and the elites, though it also pits nationals against non-nationals (e.g. lazy Europeans or ‘savage’ nations). Every single Populist Party in Europe takes a very strong anti-immigration and anti-EU stance.

Typically, populist parties attract nationalists and fascists into their ranks, who sympathize with the ‘them and us’ narrative and also see an opportunity to exploit populism to bring about the conditions for revolution – i.e. civil unrest. It is therefore quite normal to see the populist movements infiltrated by more extreme groups. A King or a Thief? Many would see a populist politician as an honourable thief among kings. More often they are thieves hoping to be kings. The greatest casualty of populism is perspective: there’s only one meal allowed on this menu – e.g. mass immigration is bad!

Racism is the belief in the superiority of one racial, ethnic or cultural grouping above all others. Though few people believe this implicitly, racism nevertheless plays out in overt ways such as the reasoning that indigenous people (usually the majority and usually not the first indigenous group) deserve better protection and service from the state. This kind of racism is always blind to its discrimination, instead arguing, like nationalists and fascists, that their rights of entitlement arise simply from ‘belonging to the family’.

In its mildest forms, racism can also be the much promoted sense of superiority that imagines we have the best footballers, athletes, singers, innovators, artists, entrepreneurs etc. In itself, it’s harmless, while competition among nations is a huge source of entertainment and innovation. ‘Best’ typically lasts for a short period of time, as other nations produce their own world-beaters in various fields. People are generally cognizant of the fact that the competition is a game. Some, however, appear not to have been let in on the act.

Racism as an ideological position chooses to ignore competition and diversity within its own nation’s walls and rather argues that one race, culture or ethnicity is somehow intrinsically better than another. As with fascism and nationalism, identity is considered to be fixed, historical, given and inherently good. It seeks to install one national/ethnic grouping into the permanent role of ‘winners’ in relation to all others, not because they succeed through merit or through citizenship rights, but rather, by right of birth into a very specific family grouping. And such a cultural identity is so strong that in countries where institutional racism is rampant it must nevertheless be constantly maintained, through classroom indoctrination, through controlled or self-censored media, and through a vehement opposition to anyone who would dare to question such natural entitlements.

The links between racism, nationalism, fascism and populism should be obvious. They each feed off each other and the common theme of ‘them and us’, with its various degrees of hostility towards the ‘us’, ranging from mild to severe. Nationalism on the whole promotes the idea of a national identity where the implicit assumption is that it is somehow better than the others. This is quite different to recognising that we have a national identity that has much in common with other national identities (e.g. a flag, an anthem, a few personality traits, a few food recipes and a common language/s), or an identity that entails advantages and disadvantages, and both good and not so good characteristics.

Nationalism, at its worst, involves devaluing the national identity of others. Fascism likewise promotes a strong, superior national identity and community while aggressively suppressing dissent. Populism likewise constructs internal and external enemies, in the form of various elites and also non-nationals, though it’s sowing of division is typically more languid and insidious.

With each of these ideologies, it can be said that national identity is characterised as something fixed, unique and superior, leading to strong ingroups and outgroups, and, therefore an increased potential for conflict within mixed or diverse societies. As ideologies and as tendencies, they often mix with each other.

Hence, it can happen that someone buys into the various ideologies so described, such that they perceive their national identity is in need of protection, that they have been betrayed by the ruling classes, that they should adopt military dedication to the cause, while feeling free to express open hatred of those that stand in the way of national cohesion, whether they be an internal or external foe. And in their idealism, they are simply waiting to ‘serve their nation’.

Modern psychiatry seems to identify such a combination as insanity. But it can also be seen as a natural consequence of several negative and militant ideologies coming together. Without doubt it constitutes a form of radicalisation. If problems identified within nationalist, populist and fascist discourses are couched in terms of a war, then we cannot be surprised that some people take the call to arms seriously. These same groups cannot later claim to be advocates of peace. Such hypocrisy smacks of cynicism.

A family of Kings or Thieves? Well, they all would certainly present themselves as Kings, as would-be benevolent and benign rulers in friendly dictatorships. But, I would conclude they are almost certainly thieves, robbing us of cultural, intellectual and political freedoms, sometimes at the point of a gun, sometimes by force of the majority, sometimes by cultural censorship and being told how we are supposed to be. As thieves, they have a shared brotherhood, with some sense of honour, but there is also a fair amount of backstabbing among them. It is the brutal end of politics after all, no question about that.

The hope of any populist is to find the King among them, who will lead them to the promised land. If Timo Soini were indeed appointed King, I wonder what colourful band of thieves would he be taking with him  into the Palace?

What is racism?

Posted on May 14, 2011 by Mark

What is racism?
Racism entails a combination of fundamental wrongs against a person on the basis that he or she belongs to a group defined by race, colour, nationality (including citizenship) or ethnic or national origin. It can take the form of actions, a call to action, a behavior (individual or institutional), an attitude, or a belief. The hatred/anger/fear/mistrust that fuels racism often hides behind a belief or cognitive system of justification – the so-called ‘denial of racism’.

What follows is a simplification. But it serves to give an idea of how different attitudes or beliefs relate to racism and how denials are constructed. It might also serve as a stimulus for discussion.

Why is it wrong?
•    It is an abuse of power: a dominant group violates the human rights of a minority group.
•    It is the defamation of a people: our people are good/superior and your people are bad/inferior.
•    It is an injustice. It breaks the Constitutional laws of most societies (including Finland’s).
•    It is immoral. It is valueing people differently based on their ethnic grouping.

How is it justified?
•    It is an abuse of power: – but WE were here first, so WE can suppress THEIR culture.
•    It is the defamation of a people: – but THEY create more problems than THEY solve.
•    It is an injustice: – when THEY break the law THEY should be punished more severely (Finnish Constitution: Ch2 § 6 Everyone is equal before the law).
•    It is immoral: – but WE are more valuable to society than THEM.

Why does it persist?

•    It is an abuse of power: – getting people to admit or give up power is notoriously difficult.
•    It is the defamation of a people: – nationalism says our country is the best. Finns are the greatest.
•    It is an injustice: – we tell ourselves we are just looking after our own (Finnish Constitution: Ch2 § 6 No one shall… be treated differently from other persons on the grounds of…origin, language, [and] religion…)
•    It is immoral: – It is easy to abuse a person and then deny it if you can blame them for the abuse.

Why is it pointless?
•    It is an abuse of power: – it’s stupid. Abuse creates animosity, which creates more problems. These things always come back to bite you in the bum!
•    It is the defamation of a people: – it’s tribalism. You cannot put your foot on a man’s throat and then complain he doesn’t stand up.
•    It is an injustice: – it’s counterproductive. If you take the basic rights of one group away, then society becomes poorer in terms of overall justice.
•    It is immoral: – it’s plain wrong. It hurts people. There is only one species, and it’s human. And they are called HUMAN rights!

What is the appeal?

•    It distracts from the problems at home and shifts responsibility.
•    It generates a feeling of ‘belonging’ for the in-group.
•    It vents generalized anger about an ‘unfair’ society.
•    It’s easy to hide the hatred/fear behind a ‘good morality’.

What are the common denials of racism?

The economic denial: It’s not personal, it’s only business!

The social denial: We never had any problems until they came along!

The cultural denial: But their so different; how can they ever fit in!

The multicultural denial: We are all the same and they are all totally different

The social denial: We never had any problems until you came along!

The historical denial: Immigration never existed and we’ve never emigrated.

The anthropological denial: But of course they are just savages, aren’t they!

The philosophical denial: It’s not immoral to believe races are different.

The biological denial: Biological differences justify us treating them differently.

The anti-philosophical denial: Racial equality is just a philosopher’s pipe dream!

The moral denial: We are just taking care of our own!

The superior denial: We’re just better than them!

The scientific denial: But it’s been proven that we are better!

The sexual denial: I don’t like those foreigners, but I’d shag her (ethnic woman)!

The sophisticated denial: Competition between peoples is normal!

The strategic denial: Imagine if one day they were the majority!

The clichéd denial: Hey, I’ve got friends who are Arab, but…!

The honest denial: It’s them fucking niggers/pakis/arabs/islamists…!

The dishonest denial: It’s not about ethnicity; us Finns just want…!

The comedy denial: How do you make a black man cry? Kill his whole family!

The reverse denial: But why did you ever want to come here?!

The paranoid denial: Everyone knows they’re terrorists!

The simple denial: I’m not a racist, but…!


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