Today at around 4:30 am the camp where the Iraqi and Afghan #righttolife demonstrators have been protesting since February were a target of an attack that set alight one of the tents. One person got his hands burned while trying to put out the fire and was taken to the hospital for treatment.
“One person threw something flammable at the tent and ran away,” said Nour Jamal, a #righttolife activist who has been demonstrating since mid-February. “This is the worst attack we’ve experienced so far but we won’t be deterred by what happened.”
Jamal said on Thursday that name-calling and racist harassment by people who pass by is common and happens daily. He said that the worst days are Saturday nights because a lot of people are drunk and shout racist obscenities.
Pictures from where the arson attack took place. If asylum seekers would have acted in such a cowardly way their would be cries of murder from many far-right and ant-immigration sectors of society. Source: Facebook.
At first the police service considered the incident that took place in the early hours of the morning as a minor incident but later on upgraded it to vandalism.
Ever since Finnish President Sauli Niinistö characterized the ongoing debate on migrants, migration, asylum seekers and minorities as a debate between two extremes, the big question is who is the other extreme?
This “two-extreme” characterization of the debate by Niinistö and government ministers like Paula Risikko reveals their ignorance and objection to the debate. It shows as well their hope that the debate will be between white people in this country.
As everyone knows, Migrant Tales together with many anti-racism activists do not consider ourselves as “extremists” but normal folk that support human rights, Nordic values and cultural diversity.
It’s clear that politicians like Niinistö, the government and many others see these types of values with suspicion and contempt. That is one reason why they dub the debate as “two extremes.”
US President Richard Nixon, facing impeachment and a challenge from liberal and progressive sectors, used the same tactic by stating that it was a minority that opposed him and that law-abiding USAmericans, the silent majority, like the Okie from Muskogee, who was behind him.
Todo empezó allá por 1944 cuando Rodolfo Walsh tenía 17 años y contestó un aviso en un diario porteño de la Editorial Hachette, situado en pleno centro de la capital, en la calle Maipú 41. La editorial buscaba un traductor del inglés al castellano de carácter permanente.
En aquel entonces, Hachette tuvo por muchos años unas ediciones de bolsillo literatura universal, libros para la juventud, la divulgación científica y otra dedicada a la novela policial. La novela policial tiene un desarrollo muy grande durante los años 40 en los Estados Unidos, y se seleccionaba obras de escritores de novelistas policiales que se traducían del inglés al castellano. “Entonces, una de las personas que se presentó para el trabajo fue Rodlfo Walsh,” dice Horacio GuillermoManiglia, hijo de Horacio Aníbal Maniglia, quien había contratado a Walsh en Hachette. “El era joven y por ser un argentino de familia irlandesa y haberse educado en colegios irlandeses, obviamente conocía muy bien el idioma inglés.”
Horacio Aníbal Maniglia y su esposa Carmen en la puerta de su casa de la calle José Bonifacio en Buenos Aires.
Maniglia dice que su padre, Walsh le pareció ser una persona muy inteligente y muy capaz, y es por eso que lo tomó como empleado permanente.
“Se desempeñó muy bien y a los veinte años le toco a Walsh hacer el servicio militar,” continua Maniglia. “Hizo el servicio militar y le mantuvieron el puesto porque ya había acreditado sus capacidades. En 1953 publica su primer libro, ‘Variaciones en rojo,’ y se lo dedica a mi padre.”
Según Maniglia hijo, la relación que tenía su padre con Walsh era de una amistad intelectual y profesional. “Los dos eran traductores de libros y amantes de la literatura y del buen cuento literario,” dice.
Como se sabe, Walsh empezó a interesarse en la política a raíz de algunos acontecimientos políticos muy famosos. En el año 1955 se produce un golpe de estado, el 16 de septiembre, llamado irónicamente la Revolución Libertadora, cuando derrocan al presidente Juan Domingo Perón, instigados por los general Pedro Eugenio Aramburu y su vicepresidente, el almirante Isaac Francisco Rojas. “Al año siguiente (1956), se produce un levantamiento militar en contra de Aramburu (encabezado por los generales Juan José Valle y Raúl Tanco), que es reprimido con gran violencia,” continua Maniglia. “Clandestinamente, se lleva a algunos de los implicados a un descampado situado en José León Suárez (en las afueras de la ciudad de Buenos Aires), y allí se los fusila a todos, excepto a uno.”
Es entonces cuando Walsh empieza una larga investigación, luego de haber obtenido un mensaje escrito de un desconocido en un bar de la ciudad de La Plata, diciendo que “todos los fusilados no están muertos.” Comienza el gran trabajo investigativo de Walsh para localizar a esta persona sobreviviente y escribir su célebre libro Operación Masacre.
“Como todo se debía hacer en gran secreto,” continua Maniglia, “Walsh se veía obligado a cambiar de domicilio y a no estar siempre en el mismo lugar. Temía sufrir alguna represalia porque estaba investigando y metiendo la nariz donde no debía. Mi papá le ofreció en esta circunstancia una casa muy modesta que tenía en Pontevedra, en las afueras de la Capital Federal, y Walsh aceptó porque no tenía muchas opciones para refugiarse.”
Maniglia hijo, quien tenía en aquel entonces sus 17-18 años, acompañó a Walsh a esa casa en invierno, porque su padre, Horacio Aníbal, no pudo hacerlo por razones de trabajo. El se acuerda que Walsh había tomado su máquina de escribir portátil para empezar a escribir su obra.
La casa donde Walsh se alojó por poco tiempo era de unos 50 a 60 metros cuadrados, y tenía dos ambientes grandes después de la cocina y un baño. Construida a fines del siglo XIX, estaba hecha con ladrillos que no se usaban más, puertas de madera de cuatro pulgadas, ventanas que nacían a 20 cm del piso hacia arriba, con rejas. No tenía electricidad y había que usar faroles. “Ampliamos la galería de atrás y la hicimos más ancha,” dice. “Una característica de la casa era que no tenía ninguna calefacción,porque en realidad nosotros no íbamos nunca, salvo por un momento en el verano.”
La casa donde se alojó Rodolfo Walsh en Pontevedra. Dibujo por Horacio Guillermo Maniglia.
Walsh se alojó allí 3 ó 4 días, o a lo sumo una semana, hasta que el frío lo obligó a huir. “Cuando lo vi, me dijo jocosamente que prefería morir a quedarse allí otro día,” continua. “A pesar de que en el dormitorio tenía una cama con dos mantas de lana hechas por los indígenas del norte y que tenían un espesor de un centímetro cada una, el frío era insoportable y el único lugar donde había calefacción era la cocina.”
Desde Pontevedra, Walsh se había trasladado a vivir a la región del Delta del Paraná, donde terminó de escribir “Operación masacre.”
Veinte años mas tarde, el viernes 25 de marzo de 1977, en la esquina porteña de San Juan y Entre Ríos, es abatido a balazos por un grupo de tareas de la notoria Escuela de Mecánica de la Armada (ESMA). No me acuerdo de esa fecha y qué estuve haciendo. Estoy casi seguro que visité a mi tío Horacio Aníbal en Flores, pero de Walsh y su relación con él no hablamos, hasta que me lo contó su hijo en 2015.
Sin duda, la Argentina había perdido, hace exactamente cuatro décadas, a un gran periodista y luchador social. La modesta historia de la relación de mi tío con Walsh, cuando aún no había llegado a la fama, la pude rescatar de pura casualidad. Es como cuando él se encontró una tarde con el mensaje “hay un fusilado que vive,” en aquel bar de La Plata, que le cambió su vida y la del país para siempre.
A new study published Tuesday by the interior ministry and carried out by Vaasa University raises some disturbing questions. What does the survey address and what does it reveal?
One of the many claims of the survey is that those surveyed want a more dispassionate public debate about asylum policies.
An interior ministry statement reads: “Finns would like to be able to discuss asylum policy without the fear of being stigmatized; the discourse should be relevant and fact-based. The issues that were highlighted in the discourse on asylum policy were social polarization, promotion of integration activities during the asylum seeking process and the impact of the asylum seeker situation on security.”
Other findings of the survey reveal already known tough public views about asylum seekers. For example, 82% of the respondents felt that it should be made perfectly clear to those asylum seekers that get a residence are obliged to follow our social rules and that language courses should be emphasized (87%).
The survey doesn’t tell us what those “rules” are for the simple fact they most likely don’t know either.
Other findings of the survey published in Helsingin Sanomat include: 83% responded that if an asylum seeker lies in the the interview process to get asylum it should affect directly his or her chances of getting a residence permit; 78% felt that the police should forcibly deport those who get rejected for asylum if they do not leave the country.
Other matters that the survey showed was that asylum seekers cause social conflicts (59%), increase crime (57%) and the threat of terrorism (64%).
It’s clear from the comments of far-right Suomi Ensin protestors and even of some Helsinki city councilors that they want the #righttolive demonstration that has been going on since February to end. Even so, far-right demonstrators are confident that the police and Finnish political establishment is on their side that they video and upload an attack against two demonstrators of the #righttolive camp.
Writes Saku Timonen in his blog: “This [far-right] Suomi ensin groupconstantly stirs conflict and provokes [the #righttolife demonstrators]. They would like to fight and when they’re about to they use an illegal weapon [spray].”
One of the most disturbing matters about the incident is the police, who are nowhere around and allegedly dragged their feet to capture the perpetrator, one of which is
Imagine if the asylum seeker demonstrators would have acted in the same way as these thugs?
Guess who uploaded this video? Right, Marco de Wit of far-right Suomen Ensi (Finland First). They have tried everything to make the lives of the asylum seekers protesting peacefully as difficult as possible. Interior Minister Paula Risikko visited the Suomen Ensi camp in February and gave them a thumbs up.
Writes Helsingin Sanomat: “At the end of the incident, a little over 20-year-old man’s face was sprayed [by the Finnish perpetrators with a pepper spray]. After this happened, the victim went to the closest restaurant to wash his face but he was followed by the group that had sprayed him [in the face]. These [Finns] threatened the man for a short while in the restaurant, according to the police.”
The hate speech and provocations are real.
Migrant Tales published a video below on Wednesday and attracted over 6,200 views.
Finnish Perussuomalaiset (PS)* parliamentary group leader Sampo Terho wrote a decade ago in Kanava an essay with the classic far-right populist rhetoric about the threat of migration. His point of view in the essay is not only sinister but was a central argument used by parties like the PS to attract voters and that their racism was “normal.”
UPDATED (20.3): By publishing this baloney in a respected publication like Kanava, Terho’s aim is to substantiate his racist points of views.
Many politicians who wrote racist things in the past and which helped them get elected want us to forget.
We cannot and should not forget for the sake of decency and respect for future generations.
Terho is not just any PS MP with racist views, but one that is vying to become chairman of the anti-immigration party after Timo Soini steps down in early June.
In a letter to the editor to Helsingin Sanomat, Terho claims that his or Halla-aho’s election to the helm of the party will not force it a path of “sheer darkness and evil.”
Columnist Yrjö Rautio wrote in Helsingin Sanomat Friday that if either Terho or Halla-aho become chairman of the PS it would not only mean the end of Soini’s populist project but a slip into “sheer darkness and evil.”
We disagree with part of Rautio’s analysis. The PS was always a party of “sheer darkness and evil” and its main architect is Soini.
Who is Terho anyway and what are his thoughts about migration and cultural diversity?
Even if the PS MP has tried to hide what he wrote in Kanava, it is a classic example of the racism and ethnocentrism that is spread by far-right and right-wing populist anti-immigration groups at the time to instill fear, hostility and racism against migrants and minorities.
Let’s look at some of the main points of Terho’s essay headlined, “European’s past and future.”
Perussuomalaiset (PS)* chairman Timo Soini announced after being at the helm of the anti-immigration party for twenty years that he’ll step down as chairman in June. The narrative and the way that some newspapers and politicians are picturing Soini is a good example of Finland’s denial of racism.
Who gave a voice and platform to politicians that have made their political careers on spreading racism and bigotry like Jussi Halla-aho, Sampo Terho, Olli Immonen, James Hirvisaari, Tony Halme and a very long list of others? All you have to do is to take a look at the hateful quotes these politicians have made against migrants and minorities to understand the connection between Soini and them.
Why is it difficult to exclude and call out a party like the PS, Soini and its politicians as racist bigots?
The answer is simple: Very little to no cultural and ethnic diversity.
Racism doesn’t impact them directly and it’s invigorating for some of them to watch since they reinforce their closet racism.
PS MP and leader of the party’s parliamentary group Sampo Terho is worried about white Europeans becoming a minority due to Muslims. Source: Verkkouutiset.
While there are many examples of how our denial of racism is perpetuated, a few recent examples highlight how it’s done. One of these is Social Democratic Party MEP Liisa Jaakonsaari who said in last week’s A-studio:Talk that Soini was now ok because “he’s not a racist.”
“I respect Timo Soini,” she said. “He has said a number of times that he isn’t a racist, even if I want votes of the racists, I’m not racist [he’s said].”
Integration Minister Inger Stojberg celebrates the fiftieth amendment to tighten immigration policy. Yes, the “integration” minister celebrated by buying a cake to tell her constituents that in Denmark we celebrate when we pass laws that make migrants’ and asylum seekers’ lives more difficult.
She writes on her Facebook wall:
“Today I got the 50th amendment to tighten immigration controls ratified. This needs celebrating!”
Even if some would want to throw the cake in the picture in her face, we should thank Stojberg for revealing the undercurrent of white nativist privilege and power in the Nordic region. Denmark is one toxic example.
No, Stojberg isn’t a member of the xenophobic Danish People’s Party (DPP) but a member of the Liberal Party. Yes, “liberal,” what ever that means in today’s Denmark.
Matters have gotten so out of hand in Denmark that politicians like Stojberg compete against the DPP to be crowned the most xenophobic. Even parties like the Social Democrats are no different.
Xenophobia is like a drug for Danish politicians. They need their daily fix like Stojberg’s cake.
The integration minister’s cake is another example of Denmark as not only a country that is xenophobic but one that is xenophobic on steroids. Read full post here.
Stojberg’s cake has been commented on widely in social media. Even the New York Times wrote about it.
One of the biggest questions some observers have asked for a while in Finland is what political house of horrors will appear after Timo Soini retires and the Perussuomalaiset (PS)* return to the minor political leagues? We got the first glimpse of that answer today when PS MEP Jussi Halla-aho announced that he too is vying for chairman of the party.
Soini, the PS’ long-term leader who will step down in June after leading the right-wing populist party for 20 years, has given a home to eccentrics like Halla-aho, among many others.
This time, however, matter didn’t go according to plan as he got bit by the same anti-immigration forces he unleashed against our ever-growing culturally diverse community.
The whole story of Soini’s political creation, the PS, could be summed up in two scenes from the 1930’s classic Frankenstein.
The first scene below is when Dr. Frankenstein creates his monster.
In the second scene the monster destroys his creator.
A handful of well-organized Afghan and Iraqi asylum seekers demonstrating against deportations at the Helsinki Railway Square since February scored a victory over a splintered far-right anti-immigration counter-demonstration that turned out a flop. They were all there: the Perussuomalaiset* (PS), Suomen Sisu, Suomi Ensi, Rajat kiinni!, Suomen vastarintaliike and who knows what.
Juha Mäenpää is a councilperson from Ilmajoki and a deputy MP of the PS who was at the counter-demonstration. He said in December 2015 that “god had answered his prayers” when an asylum reception center was razed to the ground.
Juha Mäenpää’s campaign ad when he ran for MP. Source: www.persujuha.fi
Some state that Mäenpää was one of the organizers of the counter-demonstration against the Afghan and Iraqi demonstration but he denied such claims.
“I don’t know who organized the event,” he told Migrant Tales by phone. “There were a number of demonstrations going on at the same time.”
On Facebook and about two weeks before the event, the counter-demonstration was announced as a “purge” against “illegal migrants who should leave Finland.”
“Do you think that the organizers would advertise that they’d ‘purge’ by force [such people] and advertise it on Facebook? the councilperson said denying that there were any plans of using violence. “[If they’d use violence] they’d keep their plans a secret.”
Mäenpää, who doesn’t appear to get along with Suomi Ensin leader Marco de Wit, said that in his opinion both demonstrations (Suomi Ensin and the asylum seekers) should be forced to leave the Helsinki Railway Square.
“It’s naive not to think that these people [asylum seekers] aren’t dangerous,” he continued. “We don’t know who they are. They could be criminals or Isis terrorists and therefore we need to lock them up like [asylum seekers] in Hungary and Estonia until we can figure out who they are.”
Hungary’s parliament has voted to put all asylum seekers in detention camps and to live in containers, according to the Guardian. Estonia has taken similar steps to lock up asylum seekers, according to Mäenpää.
He said that Muslim asylum seekers could never adapt to life in Finland.
